Will 2023 be hydrogen’s year?

GUEST COLUMN

Scott Nyquist debates both sides of the hydrogen argument in this week’s ECHTX Voices of Energy guest column. Photo courtesy of Aramco.

Yes and no.

Yes, because there is real money, and action, behind it.

Globally, there are 600 projects on the books to build electrolyzers, which separate the oxygen and hydrogen in water, and are critical to creating low-emissions “green hydrogen.” That investment could drive down the cost of low-emissions hydrogen, making it cost competitive with conventional fuels—a major obstacle to its development so far.

In addition, oil companies are interested, too. The industry already uses hydrogen for refining; many see hydrogen as supplemental to their existing operations and perhaps, eventually, supplanting them. In the meantime, it helps them to decarbonize their refining and petrochemical operations, which most of the majors have committed to doing.

Indeed, hydrocarbon-based companies and economies could have a big opportunity in “blue hydrogen,” which uses fossil fuels for production, but then captures and stores emissions. (“Green hydrogen” uses renewables; because it is expensive to produce, it is more distant than blue. “Gray hydrogen” uses fossil fuels, without carbon capture; this accounts for most current production and use.) Oil and gas companies have a head start on related infrastructure, such as pipelines and carbon capture, and also see new business opportunities, such as low-carbon ammonia.

Houston, for example, which likes to call itself the "energy capital of the world,” is going big on hydrogen. The region is well suited to this. It has an extensive pipeline infrastructure, an excellent port system, a pro-business culture, and experience. The Greater Houston Partnership and McKinsey—both of whom I am associated with—estimate that demand for hydrogen will grow 6 to 8 percent a year from 2030 to 2050. No wonder Houston wants a piece of that action.

There are promising, near-term applications for hydrogen, such as ammonia, cement, and steel production, shipping, long-term energy storage, long-haul trucking, and aviation. These bits and pieces add up: steel alone accounts for about 8 percent of global carbon-dioxide emissions. Late last year, Airbus announced it is developing a hydrogen-powered fuel cell engine as part of its effort to build zero-emission aircraft. And Cummins, a US-based engine company, is investing serious money in hydrogen for trains and commercial and industrial vehicles, where batteries are less effective; it already has more than 500 electrolyzers at work.

Then there is recent US legislation. The Infrastructure, Investment and Jobs Act (IIJA) of 2021 allocated $9.5 billion funding for hydrogen. Much more important, though, was last year’s Inflation Reduction Act, which contains generous tax credits to promote hydrogen production. The idea is to narrow the price gap between clean hydrogen and other, more emissions-intensive technologies; in effect, the law seeks to fundamentally change the economics of hydrogen and could be a true game-changer.

This is not without controversy: some Europeans think this money constitutes subsidies that are not allowed under trade rules. For its part, Europe has the hydrogen bug, too. Its REPowerEU plan is based on the idea of “hydrogen-ready infrastructure,” so that natural gas projects can be converted to hydrogen when the technology and economics make sense.

So there is a lot of momentum behind hydrogen, bolstered by the ambitious goals agreed to at the most recent climate conference in Egypt. McKinsey estimates that hydrogen demand could reach 660 million tons by 2050, which could abate 20 percent of total emissions. Total planned production for lower-emission green and blue hydrogen through 2030 has reached more than 26 million metric tons annually—quadruple that of 2020.

No, because major issues have not been figured out.

The plans in the works, while ambitious, are murky. A European official, asked about the REPowerEU strategy, admitted that “it’s not clear how it will work.” The same can be said of the United States. The hydrogen value chain, particularly for green hydrogen, requires a lot of electricity, and that calls for flexible grids and much greater capacity. For the United States to reach its climate goals, the grid needs to grow an estimated 60 percent by 2030.That is not easy: just try siting new transmission lines and watch the NIMBY monsters emerge.

Permitting can be a nightmare, often requiring separate approvals from local, state, interstate, and federal authorities, and from different authorities for each (air, land, water, endangered species, and on and on); money does not solve this. Even a state like Texas, which isn’t allergic to fossil fuels and has a relatively light regulatory touch, can get stuck in permitting limbo. Bill Gates recently noted that “over 1,000 gigawatts worth of potential clean energy projects [in the United States] are waiting for approval—about the current size of the entire U.S. grid—and the primary reason for the bottleneck is the lack of transmission.”

Then there is the matter of moving hydrogen from production site to market. Pipeline networks are not yet in place and shifting natural gas pipelines to hydrogen is a long way off. Liquifying hydrogen and transporting is expensive. In general, because hydrogen is still a new industry, it faces “chicken or egg” problems that are typical of the difficulties big innovations face, such as connecting hydrogen buyers to hydrogen producers and connecting carbon emitters to places to store the carbon dioxide. These challenges add to the complexity of getting projects financed.

Finally, there is money. McKinsey estimates that getting on track to that 600 million tons would require investment of $950 billion by 2030; so far, $240 billion has been announced.

Where I stand: in the middle.

I believe in hydrogen’s potential. More than 3 years ago, I wrote about hydrogen, arguing that while there had been real progress, “many things need to happen, in terms of policy, finance, and infrastructure, before it becomes even a medium-sized deal.” Now, some of those things are happening.

So, I guess I land somewhere in the middle. I think 2023 will see real progress, in decarbonizing refining and petrochemicals operations and producing ammonia, specifically. I am also optimistic that a number of low-emissions electrolysis projects will move ahead. And while such advances might seem less than transformative, they are critical: hydrogen, whether blue or green, needs to prove itself, and 2023 could be the year it does.

Because I take hydrogen’s potential seriously, though, I also see the barriers. If it is to become the big deal its supporters believe it could be, that requires big money, strong engineering and construction project management, sustained commitment, and community support. It’s easy to proclaim the wonders of the hydrogen economy; it’s much more difficult to devise sensible business models, standardized contracts, consistent incentives, and a regulatory system that doesn’t drive producers crazy. But all this matters—a lot.

My conclusion: there will be significant steps forward in 2023—but take-off is still years away.

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Scott Nyquist is a senior advisor at McKinsey & Company and vice chairman, Houston Energy Transition Initiative of the Greater Houston Partnership. The views expressed herein are Nyquist's own and not those of McKinsey & Company or of the Greater Houston Partnership. This article originally ran on LinkedIn.

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2 Houston startups join Greentown Labs' BIPOC-led accelerator program

seeing green

Greentown Labs and Browning the Green Space announced the newest cohort for its Advancing Climatetech and Clean Energy Leaders Program, or ACCEL, which works to advance BIPOC-led startups in the climatetech space.

Two Houston companies and one from Austin are among the eight startups to be named to the 2025 group.

“The startups selected for the third ACCEL cohort represent a phenomenal range of energy and climatetech innovations, which underscores our belief that everyone and many solutions must play a role in our community’s collective decarbonization efforts,” Georgina Campbell Flatter, Greentown’s new CEO, said in a release. “We’re proud to welcome these entrepreneurs to our community and eager to see all they’ll achieve throughout the program and beyond!”

Each of the early-stage startups within the cohort will receive $25,000 in non-dilutive grant funding and participate in the year-long program focused on product and technology development, market development, fundraising and management, and team development, according to Greentown. The curriculum is led by VentureWell, a nonprofit with expertise in venture development in climatetech.

The Houston companies include:

  • Carbonext, founded by Olanrewaju Tanimola. The company is leveraging its proprietary, off-the-shelf 3D-graphene technology to develop integrated solutions with carbon-coated silicon anodes to address challenges in the graphite ecosystem, as well as lithium-battery anodes.
  • PLASENE, founded by Sohel Shaikh, Alper Gulludag and Romolo Raciti. The company offers an innovative platform that converts plastic waste into liquid fuel and low-carbon hydrogen through its proprietary catalysts and modular, scalable, pre-engineered units

The remaining six companies are:

  • Inductive Robotics, founded in Austin by Madhav Ayyagari and David Alspaugh. The startup deploys autonomous robots that deliver EV charging directly to parked vehicles in commercial parking facilities, using a subscription-based model.
  • Andros Innovations, founded in Cambridge, Massachusetts by Laron Burrows. The startup has developed a reactor that produces ammonia more cheaply, cleanly and safely than traditional methods do.
  • FAST Metals, founded in Worcester, Massachusetts by Sumedh Gostu and Anthony Staley. It has developed a hydrometallurgical-recovery process capable of extracting iron, aluminum, scandium, titanium, and other rare-earth elements from industrial tailings.
  • Respire Energy, founded in Boston by Dave Hsu, Xiaowei Teng, and Candy Wong. The energy storage startup has developed a safe, low-cost, and long-duration metal-air battery designed for microgrids.
  • Tato Labs, founded in Brooklyn by Mecca McDonald and Mia Dunn. It is developing scalable, innovative, bioplastic products and packaging solutions that leverage potato starch, protect and preserve the natural ecosystem, and minimize plastic waste.
  • Thola, founded in Portland, Maine, by Nneile Nkholise and Lerato Takana. The company provides an on-demand marketplace for commercial-building sustainability and safety management, with a mission to decarbonize old buildings.

ACCEL is supported by the Massachusetts Clean Energy Center (MassCEC), Shell, Equinor, the Growth Capital Division of MassDevelopment, Microsoft and the Barr Foundation.

The accelerator has supported 13 early-stage startups since it was founded in 2023, resulting in $325,000 in grant funding. Houston companies have been represented in each cohort. Click here to see the 2024 cohort and here to see the inaugural 2023 cohort.

Houston oil and gas producer expands into renewables, announces new Baytown facility

Renewables News

Houston American Energy Corp. (NYSE: HUSA), an oil and gas exploration and production company, has entered into a definitive agreement to acquire New York-based Abundia Global Impact Group LLC, which specializes in converting waste into high-value fuels and chemicals.

HUSA is expected to close on the AGIG acquisition early in the second quarter and says the deal aims to provide value through “innovation in the renewable energy sector,” according to a news release.

As part of the deal, HUSA will acquire 100% of AGIG’s issued and outstanding units. HUSA will also issue to AGIG’s members a number of shares of HUSA common stock that will equal 94 percent of HUSA’s aggregate issued and outstanding common stock at the time of the closing. The company also closed a $4.42 million registered direct offering in January.

“AGIG has developed a commercially ready project for converting waste into valuable fuels and chemicals, and this transaction gives HUSA shareholders a ready-made platform and project pipeline for future value generation,” Peter Longo, CEO of Houston American Energy Corp, said in a news release. “We are witnessing the growing momentum of the fuel and chemical industry’s transformation into alternative solutions like recycled chemical alternatives and the highly publicized sustainable aviation fuel market.”

AGIG will build its first advanced plastic recycling facility in the Cedar Port Industrial Park in the Baytown area of Houston. The facility will represent the first phase of a growth plan aimed at scaling AGIG’s technologies for producing renewable fuels and chemicals from waste, according to the company. The Cedar Port facility will serve as a hub for a five-year development plan and will be designed to scale production capacity.

"We are excited to use this platform to support the deployment and development of our suite of technologies that will assist in the evolution of fuel, chemical and waste markets, providing commercial alternatives and sustainable products,” AGIG CEO Ed Gillespie said in a news release.

Supreme Court confronts what to do with growing pile of nuclear waste

The Debate Continues

The Supreme Court will hear arguments Wednesday in a fight over plans to store nuclear waste at sites in rural Texas and New Mexico.President Joe Biden's administration and a private company with a license for the Texas facility appealed a ruling by the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals that found that the Nuclear Regulatory Commission exceeded its authority in granting the license. The outcome of the case will affect plans for a similar facility in New Mexico roughly 40 miles away.

On this issue, President Donald Trump's administration is sticking with the views of its predecessor, even with Texas Gov. Greg Abbott, a Republican ally of Trump, on the other side.

The push for temporary storage sites is part of the complicated politics of the nation’s so far futile quest for a permanent underground storage facility.

Here's what to know about the case.

Where is spent nuclear fuel stored now?

Roughly 100,000 tons of spent fuel, some of it dating from the 1980s, is piling up at current and former nuclear plant sites nationwide and growing by more than 2,000 tons a year. The waste was meant to be kept there temporarily before being deposited deep underground.

A plan to build a national storage facility northwest of Las Vegas at Yucca Mountain has been mothballed because of staunch opposition from most Nevada residents and officials.

The Nuclear Regulatory Commission has said that the temporary storage sites are needed because existing nuclear plants are running out of room. The presence of the spent fuel also complicates plans to decommission some plants, the Justice Department said in court papers.

Where would it go?

The NRC granted the Texas license to Interim Storage Partners LLC for a facility that could take up to 5,000 metric tons of spent nuclear fuel rods from power plants and 231 million tons of other radioactive waste. The facility would be built next to an existing dump site in Andrews County for low-level waste, such as protective clothing and other material that has been exposed to radioactivity. The Andrews County site is about 350 miles west of Dallas, near the Texas-New Mexico state line.

The New Mexico facility would be in Lea County, in the southeastern part of the state near Carlsbad. The NRC gave a license for the site to Holtec International.

The licenses would allow for 40 years of storage, although opponents contend the facilities would be open indefinitely because of the impasse over permanent storage.

Political opposition is bipartisan

Republicans and Democrats, environmental groups and the oil and gas industry all oppose the temporary sites.

Abbott is leading Texas' opposition to the storage facility. New Mexico Democratic Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham also is opposed to the facility planned for her state.

A brief led by Republican Texas Sen. Ted Cruz on behalf of several lawmakers calls the nuclear waste contemplated for the two facilities an “enticing target for terrorists” and argues it's too risky to build the facility atop the Permian Basin, the giant oil and natural gas region that straddles Texas and New Mexico.

Elected leaders of communities on the routes the spent fuel likely would take to New Mexico and Texas also are opposed.

What are the issues before the court?

The justices will consider whether, as the NRC argues, the states forfeited their right to object to the licensing decisions because they declined to join in the commission’s proceedings.

Two other federal appeals courts, in Denver and Washington, that weighed the same issue ruled for the agency. Only the 5th Circuit allowed the cases to proceed.

The second issue is whether federal law allows the commission to license temporary storage sites. Opponents are relying on a 2022 Supreme Court decision that held that Congress must act with specificity when it wants to give an agency the authority to regulate on an issue of major national significance. In ruling for Texas, the 5th Circuit agreed that what to do with the nation’s nuclear waste is the sort of “major question” that Congress must speak to directly.

But the Justice Department has argued that the commission has long-standing authority to deal with nuclear waste reaching back to the 1954 Atomic Energy Act.